Many observers of Tunisia and its sympathizers expressed their astonishment over the nascent democratic experience. They wondered with some surprise about the mystery of the sudden volatility in the positions of Tunisian President Béji Kayed Sibsi of Al Nahda and the reason for faltering, if not shaking, Ie Ghannouchi and Sebsi, which has resisted many shocks and fluctuations.
What happened? What has led to tension and escalation in the political discourse and behavior of the Tunisian elite in recent months?
The political crisis has begun to loom since the President of the Republic insisted on the overthrow of his Prime Minister, Youssef Al-Shahed, in the context of what was known as the Carthage II initiative.
The Carthage Initiative’s virtual title 2 was the assessment of national organizations and political parties for government action.
However, the real objective behind all this was the removal of the witness from the post of prime minister after the conflict between him and the son of the president, Hafez Qayed al-Sibsi, who took over the leadership of Tunisia’s appeal in an atmosphere of internal crises that hit the president’s party.
Although the Carthage Document 2, which resulted from the meetings of the dialogue between the various political parties and national organizations, included 64 points summarizing the governance program for the next phase, 63 were agreed, but the final point in the document’s tail was adhered to.
The horse stall was, therefore, the 64th point that included a change of government, and the main purpose of the rest of the chapters was to cover this requirement, nothing else.
What increased Baji’s insistence on changing the government of the witness is the progress of the renaissance in the last municipal elections held in May this year, at the expense of the president’s party, which he founded and is still sponsoring from Carthage (Tunis Appeal).
This nascent victory generated a muddled silence in the same president, stirring a growing sense that his policy of quiet containment with the Renaissance had not borne fruit.
Therefore, it is impossible to block the renaissance of its position in the presidential and legislative elections, which are supposed to take place a year after the previous municipality (autumn 2019), only by removing the witness and detonating all the available mines: from parallel organization to involvement in assassinations. Battle of equality in inheritance, and rope on jars.
So Sabsi moved from the politics of electoral containment to political stalemate, through media and psychological pressure, in preparation for the next stations. This coincided with the indictment of Yusuf witness to arrange an alleged coup against the head of state.
Latest posts by Mouez Benrejeb (see all)
- Women’s Rights in Tunisia According to Singer, Latifa El Arfaoui - 2 January 2019
- Best Markets for Holiday Shopping in Tunisia: Ancient and Modern - 19 December 2018
- Mohamed Ennaceur explains the mess at the ARP in Tunisia - 15 December 2018